The Uses of an Earthquake
by Harry Cleaver
When earthquakes, floods, droughts and volcanic eruptions strike where we live, they
are usually considered instances of crisis and unmitigated natural disaster. Yet, recently
I have had opportunities to witness how the meaning of crisis depends entirely on one's
point of view.
The opportunities have come during two visits to Mexico City. The first visit was a
month or so after the major earthquake of 1985 that brought widely reported death and
destruction. The second was a follow-up visit seven months later. During the days and
weeks following the quake, television and newsmagazine images of the anquished search for
survivors, of mountainous rubble and of tent cities of the homeless had fully prepared me
to find a flattened city and prostrate population.
Instead, I found a city with quite localized destruction and one in which at least part
of the population was anything but prostrate. In dozens of the poorer barrios of Mexico
City, the movement of the earth sparked movements of people using the devastation in
property and the cracks opened in the structures of political power to break through
oppressive social relations and to improve their lives.
* * *
When the Chinese write "crisis", they use two characters, one of which means
"danger" and one "opportunity". This expression points beyond the
riskiness most people usually associate with crises to the new possibilities inherent in
any moment of dramatic change. The situation in Mexico City has shown just how perceptive
this linguistic formulation really is. Not only were the dangers created by the quake
extremely complex, but so too were the new opportunities created.
Less obvious than the physical hazards of the quake, but no less real, were the
economic and political risks created by this sudden disruption of social order. For the
government, the earthquake was one more unexpected crisis superimposed on the foreign debt
crisis and on the social tension created by austerity policies aimed at generating foreign
exchange to repay the debt. Between the onset of the debt crisis in the summer of 1982 and
the quake in September of 1985, neither government officials nor outside commentators ever
knew whether the next devaluation or price increase would be met with acceptance or with
massive social upheaval. In this atmosphere the quake posed the immediate danger of
overloading the government's already taut managerial resources, rendering it unable to
cope with an increasingly frustrated and angry populace. This is just what happened.
For many poor people in Mexico City, the immediate physical dangers of the earthquake
were also quickly superceded by complex legal and economic dangers. Although the media
focused on the photogenic collapse of major highrise buildings, far more extensive, though
harder to see, were the dangerous structural cracks in thousands of buildings, especially
residential houses and apartment buildings. This kind of damage left the buildings
standing but made them too dangerous to inhabit. The majority of people sheltered in tents
and shanties had fled such damaged, but still standing housing.
When landlords and lawyers arrived on the scene the very day of the quake, the people
in the community quickly realized that the greatest threat to them would come from these
owners trying to take advantage of the situation by tearing down their homes and
rebuilding more expensive, higher rent properties from which the former tenants would be
excluded. This possibility loomed ominously because a great deal of the housing,
especially that of the poor, had been regulated by rent control laws since at least 1948.
As a result, thousands of families had been paying extremely low rents and for years
landlords had made no contribution to the maintenance of the buildings. Demolition and
rebuilding would allow such landlords to escape rent control by turning their former
tenants out into the streets --permanently.
Anticipating such actions, thousands of tenants organized themselves and marched on the
presidential palace demanding government expropriation of the damaged properties and their
eventual sale to their current tenants. By taking the initiative while the governemnt was
still paralysed, they successfully forced the seizure of some 7,000 properties. Although
an even larger number of damaged homes remained unexpropriated, the popular mobilization
and the potential for further government action undoubtedly prevented the eviction of many
otherwise unprotected tenants. With remarkable acuity these militant poor had converted an
eminent danger into a promising opportunity.
How was this possible? After three years of failure to resist austerity, how could the
poor successfully push their case in this period of intensified crisis? The answer is
two-fold: first, the earthquake caused a breakdown in both the administrative capacities
and the authority of the government, second, the ability of these people to organize
themselves grew out of a long history of autonomous struggle.
The breakdown of governmental authority is the easiest to understand. Many of the
modern highrise buildings that collapsed were government office buildings and the
destruction of both locales and records brought sizable sections of the bureaucracy to a
standstill. Among those sections were the Ministries of Programming and Budget, the
Treasury and Telecommunications. Furthermore, the destruction of highrises in central
Mexico City involved the collapse of dominant symbols of the government's only claim to
legitimacy --the centralized "modernization" bought with oil revenues, borrowed
capital and continued poverty. The collapse of these symbols struck to the heart of the
State's confidence in itself and in its policies.
While the government was still immobilized in shock, many communities moved into
action. One of those, near the center of Mexico City, which over the years had developed a
pratice, and indeed a reputation, for successful autonomous self-organization and
militancy, is called Tepito .
* * *
A relatively small community by Mexico City standards, Tepito has only about 125,000
residents in a city of some million. An old, stable community, Tepito's people have lived
there for generations with little influx, or outflux, of resident population. There is
little influx, except by marriage, because there is little room in this densely packed
community. There is little outflux because people like it there. They like the way they
live and are proud of their own history of community struggle which they trace all the way
back to the days of the Spanish Conquest.
To me this sense of history was intriguing but sounded at first like so much
"invented tradition". Colorful but unlikely. It was only later, during a visit
to the Museo Archeologico that I discovered evidence that their claims are perhaps not so
exagerated. There, on a wall in the Museum, is a large, transparent map of Pre-Columbian
Mexico City superimposed on a modern map of the city. It is striking that Tepito stands
today very close to the same ground as an ancient Aztec community called Tepiton. Perhaps
there is more continuity in community traditions in Tepito than those outside want to
admit.
However ancient its roots, Tepito survives today both within and underneath the
official economy. On the surface, the work of many of its residents make Tepito the second
largest producer of shoes in Mexico. They also produce clothing, stereo records, and many
other goods. Complementing this artisanal production are a wide variety of service
activities such as restaurants, auto repair and retailing. Underground, Tepito's residents
make their living by smuggling and bootlegging. The community's enormous open air market
is known throughout Mexico City as a source of FAYUCA, cheap foreign goods smuggled in to
avoid high tariffs. Under the counter of many an open air stall selling shoes is often a
well illustrated catalog of hi-fi equipment available for home delivery. Less well known,
but freely discussed by many, are the bootleg producers who sew American and European
designer labels on Mexican jeans, who repair old Mexican irons and then glue General
Electric face plates on them, or who fill empty Parisian perfume bottles with cheap
substitutes.
What is fascinating about this economy is not its underground component --fairly common
everywhere these days-- but how little work it takes many people to make a living in it,
and how much free time they have carved out to build a community around other kinds of
activities. Although there are exceptions, such as shoe makers working long hours for
outside capitalists at very low piece wages, the majority of the population seems able to
earn enough income to live, more or less the way they would like, with as little as two to
four hours of work a day on the average. These incredibly short working hours are affirmed
by residents who explain that they are able to achieve this freedom from work partly by
having all members of the family work (but only for a while) in the family workshop or
street stall, and partly by choosing the lower income and free time that is produced by
this pattern of life.
Combine such short hours with the kind of low earnings you might expect in a Mexican
barrio and you get some idea of the relatively low "standard of living" which
predominates in Tepito. (Again there are exceptions, such as smugglers who have made
fortunes plying their trade.) It would seem an ideal verification of every conservative
suspicion of the backward qualities of those in the underdeveloped Third World. They are
poor because they want to be, because they won't work!
But "standard of living" is a slippery concept to say the least, however
measured to the last peso by economists. What experience in the Third World has shown, and
what the people in Tepito realize, is that hard work in the search for development via
high personal income brings profitable results for only the successfull few and nothing
but exhausted and wasted lives for the majority.
Instead, a great many Tepitenos (1) have chosen a very different approach to life and
to development. By minimizing their work time they limit their individual earnings but
they also create considerable quantities of disposable time both for enjoying life
together and for self-organization and collective struggle for community-wide improvement.
This is done quite consciously, with pride in choosing a life style based on doing things
together rather than on possessing things individually. For many in the community these
are simply the values of the traditional Mexican peasant community, transplanted to the
city. Traditional values they consciously counterpose to those of modern Mexican
capitalism.
While the Mexican economy as a whole has been plunged ever deeper into crisis during
the last few years, two very interesting things have happened in Tepito. First, the
underground economy has prospered as the official economy has stagnated. The daily
devaluations that have driven up the price of legally imported goods have made Tepito's
less expensive smuggled ones more attractive to consumers. Second, according to one social
scientist who has been keeping track of such things, over this same period the number of
street parties in Tepito has increased seven-fold.
This multiplication of street parties is symptomatic of a thriving and in some ways
joyous community life. In Tepito life is very communal, not only in the sense of community
self-organization, but also in the more basic sense that people spend a great deal of
their time in the streets or in their VECINDADES: a unique housing arrangement with large
central courtyards surrounded by small individual habitations. Homes are small not only
because people cannot afford more space but also by choice. While they may sleep, work or
make love in their small homes, they spend even more time socializing, cooking and eating
together in the courtyards. There too the children play, protected by the old who sit
watch at the entrances which lead from the VECINDADES to the street.
We need not romanticize (the community is by no means free of poverty or crime) to
recognize how people have chosen a life rich with social interaction over one less poor in
individual material wealth. Tepitenos enjoy telling stories of those "new rich"
who have moved out to larger accommodations in wealthier middle class neighborhoods only
to return not long after, starved for the community spirit they left behind.
One of the most important results of Tepito's approach to development has been its
ability not only to defend its community integrity but to elaborate its own autonomous
plans for self-development. The most important instance of defense was its ability to
thwart government plans for its "renewal". When Candelaria de los Patos, a
similar community not far away, was "renewed" the people of Tepito watched
carefully. They saw its inhabitants swept away, scattered throughout the city; some even
took refuge in Tepito. They then saw, rising from the bulldozed ruins of that community, a
giant modern housing development: Nonoalco Tlatelolco, whose high rise apartments were
quickly filled by members of Mexico's middle class. From this experience the Tepitenos
concluded, correctly, that urban renewal meant the destruction of poor communities and
their replacement with middle class ones --a familiar experience throughout North
America.(2) So, when the government turned to Tepito and said, "OK, its your
turn", they resisted, fiercely and with imagination.
From the history I was told, how they resisted governmental pressures was creative and
resourceful. Drawing on the technical help of some young architects and urban planners
from the Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana, they elaborated their own community
development plan, submitted it in an international competition sponsored by UNESCO, and
won! The resulting publicity and legitimacy made it impossible for the government to move
in and evict them.
The proof and vindication of the wisdom of the people of Tepito came with the
earthquake when highrise after highrise collapsed in nearby Tlatelolco. Thirty-six of the
fifty-five apartment buildings were destroyed or rendered uninhabitable. Thousands were
killed or left multilated and lost everything. At the same time, the older buildings in
Tepito received much less damage and only five people were killed in the whole community.
Today the plan's physical model covers the whole wall of one community center. In the
wake of the earthquake, the original architects, now professionals, are redrafting the
detailed plans for several representative parts of the community, in consultation with the
residents.
The government, of course, fiercely opposes this kind of autonomy. The hegemonic PRI
(Partido Revolucionario Institucional) and its state, which have ruled Mexico for the last
50 years, can not passively tolerate such challange. They have tried for years to crush or
subvert this autonomous self-organization, sometimes with violence, sometimes with
cooptation. The people of Tepito are well aware of these efforts. What is remarkable is
how they have successfully defeated the threat.
Besides collective physical resistance to the threat of violence, the most striking
defense mechanism of Tepito is its chosen form of self- organization: informality and
decentralization. Aware of the PRI's efforts to coopt what it cannot crush, Tepito not
only has an incredibly diverse set of organizations but most are organized in a way that
avoids cooptable power structures. Tepito is living proof that the absence of a strong
organization does not necessarily mean the absence of strong organization. Every
imaginable group, it seems, has organized itself in Tepito. Artisans (e.g. , several
different groups of shoemakers, auto repairers, clothing makers and bootleggers) have
organized themselves along "industrial lines"; merchants have organized their
own distribution and financial services by trade and by section of the community; in the
streets lined with their stalls, the merchants have also organized their own police to
fight shoplifting by those from outside the community; the inhabitants of the VECINDADES
have created their own active groups and then linked up with other VECINDAD groups;
artists have organized Tepito-Arte Aca, one of the longest lived artist organizations in
the city of Mexico; those interested in rebuilding have organized architects and a
community paper IL NERO (short for EL COMPANERO) (3) which has been published steadily for
at least the last 14 years; and so on.
In all these cases organization is informal; there are no written rules, no presidents,
no vice-presidents and no treasurers. In Tepito people speak of "leaders" rather
than of heads of organizations. "Leaders", they say, are those who can get the
things done that people want done. Leaders change, but the mechanisms of change are
informal, the focus of discussion just shifts from some individuals to others. There is,
in short, no hierarchy that can be bought off by the PRI, only individuals working
together. Any decision that would seriously affect the community, or any section of it,
has to be made through complex discussion and negotiation among the gamut of organizations
with some interest in the matter. It is not only an effective defence mechanism, it is
also an incredibly democratic, participatory form of organization.
The looseness of these diverse organizations, both in their internal workings and in
their interactions would seem to imply great inefficiencies, tremendous lag times between
the perception of a problem and its solution. The typical costs of democracy. And in truth
this kind of organization does require a lot of time commitment, particularly considering
that the different organizations cut across the community in many ways and a given
individual is likely to take part in several different groups. But, as we have just seen,
life in Tepito is organized in just such a way as to make time available for this complex
political life. The extraordinary amount of time devoted to such public life is
reminiscent of many periods of popular revolutionary upheaval when large numbers of
ordinary men and women set aside unnecessary work to seize time for their own
participation in the creation of a new political order.
Moreover, recent history has shown that far from being inefficient, this form of
organization has allowed the people of Tepito to move quickly and effectively to help
themselves in an emergency and to deal with a much more inefficient, partially paralysed
government. Almost as soon as the aftershocks had ended, the Tepitenos had assessed the
potential dangers posed by their landlords and moved to take preventive action. First,
they built their shacks and pitched their tents immediately in front of their houses,
where they could defend them, refusing government and relief agency suggestions to
congregate in parks and parking lots, or even to leave the city. Second, in many of the
hardest hit streets they set up block organizations to coordinate relief and
self-protection from street thugs and from government goons trying to intimidate them and
to take control. Third, within a week of the earthquake, they had met with representatives
of over 150 other communities and autonomous organizations to form a Self- Help Network to
facilitate the circulation of information, talents and resources (La Red Intercultural de
Accion Autonoma).(4)
Using such methods, the people of Tepito successfully mounted their offensive to demand
expropriation of damaged properties. Today, everywhere you walk in Tepito you see the
large red on white signs hanging from doorways announcing that the property belongs to the
federal government. The next step, in which the Tepitenos are now involved, is forcing the
government to sell the properties to them at low prices and to either help them rebuild or
to leave them alone while they rebuld on their own.
Some people of Tepito quickly demonstrated their ability and willingness to rebuild by
themselves. Early on, they began to tear down unsafe buildings by hand --carefully
preserving the building materials for later reconstruction. They have also forced the
government to allow them to legally construct other things they need, such as toilets.
With some 50,000 people abruptly thrown into the streets by the earthquake, the
government was forced to face the unpleasant realities of Mexico City's grossly deficient
sewage situation. Even before the earthquake, it was estimated that some four million
people were without flush toilets in the city. The results are notorious, a degree of
public unhealthiness of staggering proportions. Mexico City, it is said, is one of the few
cities in the world where you can get salmonella and amoebic dysentery from breathing the
air.
Despite this situation, the Mexican government had apparently steadfastly refused to
sanction the independent building of low tech, non- flush toilets by individuals and
groups desirous of changing the situation.
As a result of the earthquake and the sudden, obvious increase in the number of people
living and defecating in the streets, the paralyzed government was forced to allow such
alternative technological solutions as could be constructed by the people themselves. In
support of such activities, newspapers such as EL DIA have begun to publish technically
detailed and easy to follow instructions for composting laterines. Here again, the poor of
Mexico City were able to utilize the earthquake crisis to take the initiative, this time
in the struggle over sewage and public health.
Despite these successful initiatives, the rebuilding needed in Tepito, and elsewhere in
Mexico, is vast and beyond the financial and skill resources available to all who need
help. Therefore, along with facilitating and coordinating the circulation of available
resources, the Self-Help Network of community organizations has directed part of its
efforts to gaining access to some of the hundreds of millions of dollars of reconstruction
aid which has been offered to Mexico by a variety of international agencies (e.g., the
World Bank, various countries' Red Crosses, various church groups, Oxfam, and so on.)
The Network moved quickly to train community representatives to prepare proposals for
reconstruction projects that could be submitted directly to foreign aid groups, bypassing
the corrupt Mexican government agencies. Some of these projects have been for the physical
reconstruction of housing, others have been longer range projects for the creation of
workshops and community services.
In each case initiative and control remains in the hands of the local neighborhood (or
village group for communities outside of Mexico City) with the Network providing skills
and communications. While I was in Mexico I visited a number of projects organized and
financed in this manner. In each case the projects had been carried out by the local
groups who were proud to show what they could do for themselves, using foreign aid but
without giving up their own creativity and autonomy.
Given the Mexican government's propensities for centralized control and for contracting
out work to private enterprise without consulting local groups, considerable conflict has
arisen in the barrios of Mexico City over State directed reconstruction. At first, many
people, tired of living in the streets, welcomed the help. But then, as they observed the
type of buildings being constructed, they became angry and rebelled, blocking further
work. As already indicated, the people in Tepito and in many other communities, have clear
ideas about how they want their community structured, including the style and architecture
of their habitations. Again and again the government and its contractors have ignored or
opposed their wishes, minimizing costs and constructing vertical apartment buildings
without the traditional VECINDAD organization around a central courtyard. As a result,
there have been many pitched battles with the government over the concrete details of
reconstruction.
* * *
Danger and opportunity. The people of Tepito have proven themselves far more capable
than the government both of responding to the dangers and of seizing the opportunities
created by the earthquake. If the debt crisis, and now the collapse of oil prices, have
thrown Mexican "development" into question as a viable path to social
improvement, the earthquake crisis has brought into view a long existent but rarely
recognized alternative. That alternative lies in the ability and willingness of the people
of Tepito, as well as those in many other barrios, to assert a different set of values:
those of autonomy, self-activity, and the subordination of work to social needs. It is
also embodied in their ability, as against governmental paralysis, to design and implement
their own projects, thus elaborating those values in concrete practice. Time and again,
the people of Tepito are acting to meet their own needs and then presenting the government
with a FAIT ACCOMPLI to be legalized ex-post.
Given the way they are organized, and their values and attitudes so antithetical to
those of official Mexican capitalism, it is unlikely the government can coopt the people
of Tepito. They would have to be crushed, and made over into something quite different
from what they are today. Fortunately, the continuation of economic crisis in Mexico
serves to preoccupy the government and forces it to stretch its resources of control.
Simultaneously, like the earthquake, it creates more opportunities for the Mexican
people to elaborate their own autonomy against official development plans and to take
control over their own lives.
For those of us outside of Mexico, the people of Tepito have an important lesson to
teach, not only about the uses of an earthquake, but about the use of crisis more
generally. Every crisis involves change and contains opportunities for movement in new
directions. Crises are not to be feared or "solved"; they should rather be
embraced and their opportunities explored. We should always be ready to take advantage of
any crack or rupture in the structure sof power which confine us. Only those who benefit
from these structures should fear such cracks. For the rest of us, they are openings
through which we may gain access to more freedom.
____________________________________________________________ (*) This article was
published in: VISA VERSA (Quebec) December/January 1987, MIDNIGHT NOTES (US) No. 9, May
1988, WILDCAT (Germany) Winter 1988, and COMMONSENSE (Scotland) No. 9, 1989. (1) ASCII
text note: "Tepitenos" is spelled with a tilda over the "n". (2) For a
discussion of the state's use of "urban renewal" for poltical control, see
MIDNIGHT NOTES #4, SPACE NOTES, "Spatial Deconcentration in D.C.". (3) ASCII
text note: "NERO" and "COMPANERO" are both spelled with a tilda over
the "n". (4) ASCII text note: there is an accent over the "o" in
Accion.
ADDENDUM:
Articles on Tepito, or by people connected with Tepito, about things concerning Tepito
available (at the cost of reproduction and mailing) from the Texas Archives of Autonomist
Marxism, Department of Economics, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, 78712-1173. The
Texas Archives can be reached via e-mail at: hmcleave@mundo.eco.utexas.edu (Harry Cleaver)
or ecbq137@utxvm.cc.utexas.edu (Conrad Herold)
(What follows are the materials available as of August 29, 1988.)
(Note: these materials are NOT available as e-texts, but only as photocopies. Copies
are $.10/page for larger than normal, i.e., "lpp" and $.06/page for regular
8.5" X 11". You can estimate the cost of mailing by taking an envelop containing
the expected number of pages to the postoffice and having it weighed.)
Most of the articles are in EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO which was a weekly supplement to EL
DIA, edited by Gustavo Esteva.
Asociacion Latinoamericana de Organizaciones de Promocion "La Difcil Construccion
de la Autonomia," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1327, 29 de Noviembre de 1987, pp. 2-3. (2
lpp)
Bugnicourt, J.; J.-J. Guibbert y M. Pacheco "El Despertar de las Pobladores,"
EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1339, 21 febrero de 1988, pp. 11-12. (2 lpp)
Centro de Estudios Tepenos, "La Reconstruccion de Barrio de Tepito," EL GALLO
ILLUSTRADO, #1285, 8 Febrero 1987, pp. 6-7. (2 lpp)
El Gallo editorial, "A un ano de distancia: El Riesgo de Colonizar la
Autonomia," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, 1270, 26 Octobre 1986, pp. 2-3. (2 lpp)
El Gallo editorial, "Vivir con Autonomia," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1265, 21
Septiembre 1986, p. 2. (1 lpp)
Esteva, Gustavo " C0La Hora de la iniciativa Social?" typescript. (date
unknown) (23pp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Cocinar la Autonom 94a, " EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1276, 7
Diciembre 1986, pp. 8-9. (2 lpp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Comunicacion: contracultura: Aportes para un debate,"
COMICACON Y CULTURA, No. 13, Marzo 1985, pp.125-143. (10pp)
Esteva, Gustavo "El desencuentro de la autonomia con la institucion," EL
GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1281, 11 Enero 1987, pp. 4-7. (4 lpp)
Esteva, Gustavo "La regeneracion de nuestros suenos," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO,
#1269, 19 Octobre 1986, p. 3. (1 lpp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Los 'Tradifas' O el Fin de la Marginacion," EL TRIMESTRE
ECONOMICO, Vol. L(2), N 9Cm. 198, Abril-Junio de 1983, pp. 733-769. (19pp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Recetas contra la nostalgia: Las mundanzas de Tepito," EL
GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1264, domingo 14 de septiembre de 1986, pp.3-7. (5 lpp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Regenerating People's Space," in ALTERNATIVES XII, 1987,
pp.125-152. (28pp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Regeneracion de la Autonomia," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, 3 Nov.
1985. (3pp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Del terre-moto a la con-mocion," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, No.
12, 10 Nov. 1985, pp. 11-13. (3 lpp)
Esteva, Gustavo "From Earthquake to Social Quake," typescript, 1985 (?)
(13pp)
Esteva, Gustavo "Mexico's State and Political Regime as seen from the Perspectives
of Grass Roots Movements," typescript. (date unknown) (49pp)
Equipo CIDAP "El Estudio de la Coyuntura Barrial," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO,
#1339, 21 febrero de 1988, pp. 10-11. (2 lpp)
Hernandez, Alfonso "Carnalismo Chilango," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1324, 8 de
Noviembre de 1987, pp. 11-13. (3 lpp)
Hernandez, Alfonso "El Obstinado Barrio," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1353, 12 de
Junio de 1988, pp. 14-15. (2 lpp)
Lacalmette, Philippe "Tepito, barrio convivial," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1264,
domingo 14 de septiembre de 1986, pp.13-14. (2 lpp)
Manrique, Daniel "Mis Suenos guajiros," (I) EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1294, 12
Abril 1987, pp. 2-10. (II) #1295, 19 Abril 1987, pp. 2-13. (III) #1296, 26 Abril 1987, pp.
13-16. (25 lpp)
Manrique, Daniel "Un fonazo pa Tepito," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1264, domingo
14 de septiembre de 1986, pp. 8-10. (3 lpp)
Manrique, Daniel "Una Conversacion con Daniel Manrique de Tepito Arte Ac 87,"
EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1282, 18 Enero 1987, pp. 4-6. (3 lpp)
Manrique, Daniel "Mexico al filo del siglo XXI La Revoculcion oi Tepito, el sismo
y los nuevos desafios de la ciuda de Mexico," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, No. 1221, 17 Nov.
1985, pp. 15-19. (5 lpp)
Manrique, Daniel, Alfonso Hernandez y Carlos Plascencia "Arquitectura, sociedad y
cultura en Tepito," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, No. 1231, 26 enero 1986, pp. 8-9. (2 lpp)
Manrique, Daniel "Bardas, paredes, muros y murales," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, No.
1238, 16 marzo 1986, pp. 11-15.
McKnight, John L. "Regenerating Community," SOCIAL POLICY, V. 17, N. 3,
Winter 1987, pp. 54-58. (5pp)
Molina, Humberto; J.-J. Guibbert y Enrique Low Murtra "Autoconstruccion y
Participacion," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1339, 21 febrero de 1988, pp. 8-9. (2 lpp)
Molina, Humberto "Bases para la Proteccion de los Barrios Populares," EL
GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1339, 21 febrero de 1988, p. 13. (1 lpp)
Promocion del Desarrollo Popular, " Anos desde Promocion del Desarrollo
Popular," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1298, 10 Mayo 1987, pp. 6-8. (3 lpp)
Promocion del Desarrollo Popular, "Los Organizasiones no gubernamentales en M
8Exico," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1294, 12 Abril 1987, pp. 6-10. (5 lpp)
Red Intercultural de Accion Autonoma "Dos Anos Despu 8Es: lecciones de un
teremoto" [three articles] "En la hora del Rescate," "Del terremoto a
la con- mocion," "El Renacimiento de la Esperanza," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO,
#1317, de Septiembre de 1987, pp. 3-9. (7 lpp)
Red Intercultural de Accion Autonoma [three articles] "Las Memorias de
Malena," "El Estilo de las Repuestas," and "Lecciones y
Alternativas," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1318, 27 de Septiembre de 1987, pp. 2-10. (9
lpp)
Robert, Jean "La autonomia no es una robinsonada o Los verdaderos enemigos de
Tepito," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1264, domingo 14 de septiembre de 1986, pp.1-16. (16
lpp)
Ruiz, Monica Navarro, "Cuando las Mujeres Agarran la Onda," EL GALLO
ILLUSTRADO, #1322, 25 de Octubre de 1987, pp. 2-3. (2 lpp)
Schteingart, Martha "Las Politicas de Auto-construccion en America Latina,"
EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1324, 8 de Noviembre de 1987, pp. 4-7. (4 lpp)
"Una Nueva Red de Creacion Technologia," EL GALLO ILLUSTRADO, #1283, 25 Enero
1987, pp. 8-9. (2 lpp)