12: Pan-Americanism and the Great War
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While the Hispanic republics were entering upon the second
century of their independent life, the idea of a certain
community of interests between themselves and the United States
began to assume a fairly definite form. Though emphasized by
American statesmen and publicists in particular, the new point of
view was not generally understood or appreciated by the people of
either this country or its fellow nations to the southward. It
seemed, nevertheless, to promise an effective cooperation in
spirit and action between them and came therefore to be called
"Pan-Americanism."
This sentiment of inter-American solidarity sprang from several
sources. The periodical conferences of the United States and its
sister republics gave occasion for an interchange of official
courtesies and expressions of good feeling. Doubtless, also, the
presence of delegates from the Hispanic countries at the
international gatherings at The Hague served to acquaint the
world at large with the stability, strength, wealth, and culture
of their respective lands. Individual Americans took an active
interest in their fellows of Hispanic stock and found their
interest reciprocated. Motives of business or pleasure and a
desire to obtain personal knowledge about one another led to
visits and countervisits that became steadily more frequent.
Societies were created to encourage the friendship and
acquaintance thus formed. Scientific congresses were held and
institutes were founded in which both the United States and
Hispanic America were represented. Books, articles, and newspaper
accounts about one another's countries were published in
increasing volume. Educational institutions devoted a constantly
growing attention to inter-American affairs. Individuals and
commissions were dispatched by the Hispanic nations and the
United States to study one another's conditions and to confer
about matters of mutual concern. Secretaries of State, Ministers
of Foreign Affairs, and other distinguished personages
interchanged visits. Above all, the common dangers and
responsibilities falling upon the Americas at large as a
consequence of the European war seemed likely to bring the
several nations into a harmony of feeling and relationship to
which they had never before attained.
Pan-Americanism, however, was destined to remain largely a
generous ideal. The action of the United States in extending its
direct influence over the small republics in and around the
Caribbean aroused the suspicion and alarm of Hispanic Americans,
who still feared imperialistic designs on the part of that
country now more than ever the Colossus of the North. "The art of
oratory among the Yankees," declared a South American critic, "is
lavish with a fraternal idealism; but strong wills enforce their
imperialistic ambitions." Impassioned speakers and writers
adjured the ghost of Hispanic confederation to rise and confront
the new northern peril. They even advocated an appeal to Great
Britain, Germany, or Japan, and they urged closer economic,
social, and intellectual relations with the countries of Europe.
It was while the United States was thus widening the sphere of
its influence in the Caribbean that the "A B C"
powers—Argentina, Brazil, and Chile—reached an understanding
which was in a sense a measure of self-defense. For some years
cordial relations had existed among these three nations which had
grown so remarkably in strength and prestige. It was felt that by
united action they might set up in the New World the European
principle of a balance of power, assume the leadership in
Hispanic America, and serve in some degree as a counterpoise to
the United States. Nevertheless they were disposed to cooperate
with their northern neighbor in the peaceable adjustment of
conflicts in which other Hispanic countries were concerned,
provided that the mediation carried on by such a "concert of the
western world" did not include actual intervention in the
internal affairs of the countries involved.
With this attitude of the public mind, it is not strange that the
Hispanic republics at large should have been inclined to look
with scant favor upon proposals made by the United States, in
1916, to render the spirit of Pan-Americanism more precise in its
operation. The proposals in substance were these: that all the
nations of America "mutually agree to guarantee the territorial
integrity" of one another; to "maintain a republican form of
government"; to prohibit the "exportation of arms to any but the
legally constituted governments"; and to adopt laws of neutrality
which would make it "impossible to filibustering expeditions to
threaten or carry on revolutions in neighboring republics." These
proposals appear to have received no formal approval beyond what
is signified by the diplomatic expression "in principle."
Considering the disparity in strength, wealth, and prestige
between the northern country and its southern fellows,
suggestions of the sort could be made practicable only by letting
the United States do whatever it might think needful to
accomplish the objects which it sought. Obviously the Hispanic
nations, singly or collectively, would hardly venture to take any
such action within the borders of the United States itself, if,
for example, it failed to maintain what, in their opinion, was "a
republican form of government." A full acceptance of the plan
accordingly would have amounted to a recognition of American
overlordship, and this they were naturally not disposed to admit.
The common perils and duties confronting the Americas as a result
of the Great War, however, made close cooperation between the
Hispanic republics and the United States up to a certain point
indispensable. Toward that transatlantic struggle the attitude of
all the nations of the New World at the outset was substantially
the same. Though strongly sympathetic on the whole with the
"Allies" and notably with France, the southern countries
nevertheless declared their neutrality. More than that, they
tried to convert neutrality into a Pan-American policy, instead
of regarding it as an official attitude to be adopted by the
republics separately. Thus when the conflict overseas began to
injure the rights of neutrals, Argentina and other nations urged
that the countries of the New World jointly agree to declare that
direct maritime commerce between American lands should be
considered as "inter-American coastwise trade," and that the
merchant ships engaged in it, whatever the flag under which they
sailed, should be looked upon as neutral. Though the South
American countries failed to enlist the support of their northern
neighbor in this bold departure from international precedent,
they found some compensation for their disappointment in the
closer commercial and financial relations which they established
with the United States.
Because of the dependence of the Hispanic nations, and especially
those of the southern group, on the intimacy of their economic
ties with the belligerents overseas, they suffered from the
ravages of the struggle more perhaps than other lands outside of
Europe. Negotiations for prospective loans were dropped.
Industries were suspended, work on public improvements was
checked, and commerce brought almost to a standstill. As the
revenues fell off and ready money became scarce, drastic measures
had to be devised to meet the financial strain. For the
protection of credit, bank holidays were declared, stock
exchanges were closed, moratoria were set up in nearly all the
countries, taxes and duties were increased, radical reductions in
expenditure were undertaken, and in a few cases large quantities
of paper money were issued.
With the European market thus wholly or partially cut off, the
Hispanic republics were forced to supply the consequent shortage
with manufactured articles and other goods from the United States
and to send thither their raw materials in exchange. To their
northern neighbor they had to turn also for pecuniary aid. A
Pan-American financial conference was held at Washington in 1915,
and an international high commission was appointed to carry its
recommendations into effect. Gradually most of the Hispanic
countries came to show a favorable trade balance. Then, as the
war drew into its fourth year, several of them even began to
enjoy great prosperity. That Pan-Americanism had not meant much
more than cooperation for economic ends seemed evident when, on
April 6, 1917, the United States declared war on Germany. Instead
of following spontaneously in the wake of their great northern
neighbor, the Hispanic republics were divided by conflicting
currents of opinion and hesitated as to their proper course of
procedure. While a majority of them expressed approval of what
the United States had done, and while Uruguay for its part
asserted that "no American country, which in defense of its own
rights should find itself in a state of war with nations of other
continents, would be treated as a belligerent," Mexico veered
almost to the other extreme by proposing that the republics of
America agree to lay an embargo on the shipment of munitions to
the warring powers.
As a matter of fact, only seven out of the nineteen Hispanic
nations saw fit to imitate the example set by their northern
neighbor and to declare war on Germany. These were Cuba—in view
of its "duty toward the United States," Panama, Guatemala,
Brazil, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. Since the Dominican
Republic at the time was under American military control, it was
not in a position to choose its course. Four countries Ecuador,
Peru, Bolivia, and Uruguay—broke off diplomatic relations with
Germany. The other seven republics—Mexico, Salvador, Colombia,
Venezuela, Chile, Argentina, and Paraguay—continued their formal
neutrality. In spite of a disclosure made by the United States of
insulting and threatening utterances on the part of the German
charge d'affaires in Argentina, which led to popular outbreaks at
the capital and induced the national Congress to declare in favor
of a severance of diplomatic relations with that functionary's
Government, the President of the republic stood firm in his
resolution to maintain neutrality. If Pan-Americanism had ever
involved the idea of political cooperation among the nations of
the New World, it broke down just when it might have served the
greatest of purposes. Even the "A B C" combination itself had
apparently been shattered.
A century and more had now passed since the Spanish and
Portuguese peoples of the New World had achieved their
independence. Eighteen political children of various sizes and
stages of advancement, or backwardness, were born of Spain in
America, and one acknowledged the maternity of Portugal. Big
Brazil has always maintained the happiest relations with the
little mother in Europe, who still watches with pride the growth
of her strapping youngster. Between Spain and her descendants,
however, animosity endured for many years after they had thrown
off the parental yoke. Yet of late, much has been done on both
sides to render the relationship cordial. The graceful act of
Spain in sending the much-beloved Infanta Isabel to represent her
in Argentina and Chile at the celebration of the centennial
anniversary of their cry for independence, and to wish them
Godspeed on their onward journey, was typical of the yearning of
the mother country for her children overseas, despite the lapse
of years and political ties. So, too, her ablest men of intellect
have striven nobly and with marked success to revive among them a
sense of filial affection and gratitude for all that Spain
contributed to mold the mind and heart of her kindred in distant
lands. On their part, the Hispanic Americans have come to a
clearer consciousness of the fact that on the continents of the
New World there are two distinct types of civilization, with all
that each connotes of differences in race, psychology, tradition,
language, and custom—their own, and that represented by the
United States. Appreciative though the southern countries are of
their northern neighbor, they cling nevertheless to their
heritage from Spain and Portugal in whatever seems conducive to
the maintenance of their own ideals of life and thought.
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